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ARTICLE: THE SELECTION PROCESS IN CHOOSING THE PUBLIC PROTECTOR – AN ASSESSMENT

ppSAAn ad hoc committee was established by Parliament to oversee the appointment of the successor to the Public Protector, Advocate Thuli Madonsela. It was chaired by the African National Congress (ANC) MP, Dr Makhosi Khoza. In her opening speech she promised “the best person for the job”. Serving in the committee, were Julius Malema on behalf of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), together with the following: Glynnis Breytenbach, Phumzile van Damme, James Selfe and Werner Horne, on behalf of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Other members included on behalf of the ANC, besides the chairperson, Makhosi Khoza, Bongani Bongo, Amos Masondo, Nicolaas Koornhof, Grace Tseke, Madipoane Mothapo, and Patrick Maesela.

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ARTICLE: JUDGES V JUDGES – A NEED FOR FINALITY

constitutional court foterYesterday, the Constitutional Court (the Court) in Nkabinde and Another v Judicial Service Commission and Others, ruled that a provision in the Judicial Service Commission Act meets constitutional muster. In making the ruling, the Court dismissed the application filed by Justices Nkabinde and Jafta to rescind an order previously made by the same Court. The Court further underlined that it is in the interests of justice that the complaint against Western Cape Judge President Hlophe be brought to finality.

The decision is the last hurdle which has been met and all but clears the way for the setting up of a tribunal to conduct disciplinary hearings into Judge Hlophe’s conduct. This, after a complaint of gross misconduct was laid before the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) against Justice Hlophe by all the then Justices of the Constitutional Court, including the subjects of yesterday’s ruling, Jafta and Nkabinde. They alleged that Justice Hlophe had acted improperly in trying to sway their judgments in matters with a direct bearing on the corruption charges against President Jacob Zuma. Justices Jafta and Nkabinde would have provided crucial evidence of this impropriety but they, instead, challenged the lawfulness of the tribunal that the JSC would have established.  Eight years and numerous legal challenges later, it seems that this ruling will bring the matter to finality.

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ARTICLE: THE SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTORAL SYSTEM: TIME TO REVISIT THE VAN ZYL SLABBERT REPORT?

CFCR PTA BFASTOn 16 August 2016 the Centre for Constitutional Rights (CFCR) hosted its first breakfast discussion in conjunction with the Centre for Human Rights (CHR) at the University of Pretoria, supported by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS). The breakfast discussions aim to stimulate a platform for debate and dialogue about the Constitution and good public leadership.

The dialogue was structured as a roundtable forum, which included an in depth-discussion between dignitaries and the broader audience. Guests who attended the breakfast were from a myriad of disciplines including government, diplomatic circles, academia, civil society and the media. The overarching themes of the event included electoral reform and state accountability. Both panel and audience members flushed out the underpinnings of the current electoral system and gave critical insight into potential reform frameworks.

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ARTICLE: ELECTION POST MORTEM – ACTIVE CITIZENRY AND HOLDING PUBLIC OFFICIALS ACCOUNTABLE

CREDIT coda FoterIn the months leading up to this year’s Local Government Elections, the possibility of free and fair elections was marred by various incidents across the country. From protests in Vuwani regarding municipal demarcation, to the multiple political killings in KwaZulu-Natal, as well as the plethora of objections and complaints on election day, it was indeed unlikely that a calm political atmosphere would prevail following the release of the final results. However, after the conclusion of the voting process and the announcement of the final results, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) declared the elections free and fair. These sentiments have been echoed by the Law Society of South Africa.

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STATEMENT: TOWARDS PEACEFUL ELECTIONEERING

tshwane gov zaPockets in the City of Tshwane are beset by violence, with media reports showing burnt-out shells of motor vehicles, and streets littered with burning tyres. One person is said to have been killed in the violence. The violent protests are ostensibly as a result of party members’ unhappiness with the governing party’s National Executive Council’s decision to select a mayoral candidate ahead of the candidates preferred by the Tshwane branch of the governing party.

In addition, last week the Police Minister, Nathi Nhleko, announced that he had established a task team whose mandate is to investigate the “rise in the number of political killings”. He further expressed concern over the number of killings linked to the upcoming elections on 3 August 2016. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) has reported that over the past five years there have been about 50 politically-related killings, predominantly in KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga. The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) in similar vein notes that political killings are as a result of local conflicts and rivalries.

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STATEMENT: DEEPENING DEMOCRACY – CONSTITUTIONAL COURT DECISION IN IEC MATTER

iecThe Centre for Constitutional Rights welcomes the Constitutional Court’s (the Court) decision in Electoral Commission v Mhlope and Others, handed down today, in which the importance of free and fair elections for South Africa is underscored.

The case arose as an appeal by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) of the Electoral Court’s earlier decision to postpone by-elections in Tlokwe over irregularities on names in the voters’ roll. The Electoral Court had held that permitting elections while 4000 names on the voters’ roll lacked addresses would mean that the ensuing elections would not be free and fair, in direct contravention of section 19 in the Constitution, which provides every adult South African with the right to free, fair and regular elections.

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CASE DISCUSSION: THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC CONSULTATION – E.TV (PTY) LTD V MINISTER OF COMMUNICATIONS

etvOn 31 May, the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) handed down a technical judgment on the amendment of the Broadcasting Digital Migration Policy (the Policy) in 2015 by the Minister of Communications (Minister). The issue concerned the legality of the Policy and was found by the SCA to be both procedurally and substantively irrational.

The Policy was first published in 2008 in terms of the Electronic Communications Act (ECA) which, together with the Constitution, empowers the Minister to make policy regarding broadcasting. The Policy is aimed at facilitating the migration of South Africa from analogue terrestrial television to digital terrestrial television, which is needed to free up signal space (digital migration process).

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STATEMENT: ALL EYES ON THE NATIONAL PROSECUTING AUTHORITY

npaThe Centre for Constitutional Rights (CFCR) welcomes the judgment handed down by the Pretoria High Court (the High Court) in Democratic Alliance v Acting NDPP and Others. A full bench of the High Court has reached a judgment that a decision taken in 2009‚ by the then Acting National Director of Public Prosecutions, Mokotedi Mpshe, to drop 783 charges against the President, Mr Zuma, was irrational and should be reviewed and set aside. The charges relate to the Arms Deal, in which his financial adviser, Mr Schabir Shaik, was found guilty of corruption and was sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment.

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STATEMENT: THE AFTERMATH OF THE SERITI COMMISSION DEMANDS A RETHINK OF THE COMMISSIONS ACT

seritiIt is time that the Commission’s Act was amended in order to give greater meaning to constitutional values. The Constitution enables the President, as well as Provincial Premiers, to appoint Commissions of Inquiry. This authority to appoint Commissions of Inquiry can be further delegated to allow Ministerial Commissions, as well as other Commissions at local level.

The Arms Procurement Commission (popularly known as the Seriti Commission) was established in terms of the Commissions Act of 1947. The same Act provides that Commissions have to report their findings to the President before such findings are made known to the general public. Further, Commissions can only make recommendations to the government. As such, Commissions are not obliged to make their reports open to the public and neither is the government obliged to act directly on the recommendations of the Commission.

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