Issued by Ismail Joosub on behalf of the FW de Klerk Foundation on 16/04/2025

South Africa’s politics is settling into a new normal. It is no longer shaped by the dominance of a single party, but by the interaction of competing blocs. The tri-bloc structure is no longer speculative. It is unfolding before us. Three distinct groupings have emerged. There is the ANC-led core of the current Government of National Unity, a reform-oriented bloc centred around the Democratic Alliance and a rising populist axis driven by the EFF and MK. These blocs represent more than just ideological differences. They express competing visions of how to govern, how to revive the economy and how to reform institutions. This moment calls for more than commentary. It demands innovation in how our political system operates. If coalitions are to be the future of governance in South Africa, then we must move beyond temporary arrangements and begin to build the institutional architecture that can support stable and responsive government. The question is no longer how the GNU came to be. The question now is how can we transform fragile cooperation into something durable and citizen-focused.

The current tri-bloc dynamic defines both the legislative and executive branches of our democracy. On one end, the ANC governs with smaller partners who share certain aims but not always priorities. The DA, while part of the GNU, increasingly positions itself as a watchdog against ANC dominance. At the same time, the EFF and MK operate from outside government but with growing influence, especially as tensions mount within the ruling coalition. This political reality brings complexity, but also opportunity. Section 1 of the Constitution affirms South Africa as a democratic state founded on values including multi-party democracy, accountability, responsiveness and openness. This is not abstract legal language. It is a commitment to ensuring that no matter how the government is composed, it must be accountable and cooperative. The DA’s John Steenhuisen put it plainly when he said that single-party rule is over. That new reality must now be matched with political practices that ensure stability and shared responsibility. Without that, a Parliament composed of diverse voices risks becoming ungovernable.

The controversy over the proposed VAT increase this year illustrates the urgency of this moment. In March, the Treasury announced a one percent hike to VAT over two years. The DA opposed it on the grounds that it would hit poor and middle-class families hardest. Some ANC-aligned parties also raised concerns about its timing and impact. Yet the budget framework passed, not through consensus among GNU partners, but through a tactical vote where the ANC gained support from a party outside the coalition. This manoeuvre exposed a major structural fault in the unity government. The DA accused the ANC of undermining the very principle of collective governance. The EFF and MK seized the moment to question the GNU’s coherence. Speculation grew about a possible collapse of the coalition. And citizens were left wondering whether this fragile government could effectively deliver services.

The fallout from the VAT episode was not just political. It struck at the heart of our institutional credibility. If coalition partners cannot agree on something as fundamental as the national budget, how will they coordinate on more complex policy reforms? The risk is that policy begins to drift and the government starts legislating by default, rather than through careful coordination. That path leads to dysfunction. In response to the VAT outcome, both the DA and EFF turned to the courts, launching legal challenges that questioned the constitutionality of the process followed in Parliament. They argued that deliberation was rushed, that public consultation was insufficient and that parliamentary procedure was undermined. These legal challenges draw on core constitutional principles. Section 59(1)(a) obliges the National Assembly to facilitate public involvement in legislative processes. Section 195(1)(a), (d) and (e) require that public administration be accountable, transparent and responsive to people’s needs. Yet while the courts are a critical part of our checks and balances, relying on litigation to manage coalition disputes is not sustainable. Lawsuits consume time, harden divisions and delay decision-making. If parties consistently use the courts as a substitute for negotiation, the work of governance slows down and credibility is eroded. This brings into question what can be done to resolve disagreements before they escalate to that point.

South Africa urgently needs to institutionalise coalition governance. The GNU’s Statement of Intent was a bold starting point. It outlined shared values and goals. However, it is not sufficient. Coalitions require formal structures that bring predictability, build trust and align policy positions before they reach crisis point. One such innovation already exists in an embryo state. The GNU Clearing House Mechanism, initiated by the Deputy President, brings coalition partners into a formal forum to resolve disagreements. When the Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill sparked internal conflict, this mechanism was activated. Parties from across the spectrum, including the ANC, DA, FF Plus and GOOD, engaged in discussions aimed at finding a common path. The goal was not partisan gain, but to service all South Africans. This shows that even deeply divided partners can come together when the stakes are clear.

This mechanism should now be expanded and properly structured. It should meet regularly, with dedicated representatives from each coalition party. It should have technical support and legal advisers and it should provide timely feedback to Parliament and the public. Most importantly, it should have authority. No major policy proposal should proceed to Parliament or Cabinet unless it has been considered and agreed upon within the clearing house. Coalition agreements must also evolve into more enforceable protocols. Partners should adopt written procedures for how to handle disputes, how to mediate differences and how to commit to genuine compromise. These steps are not about red tape. They are about avoiding political ambushes and ensuring every partner has a seat at the table from the outset.

Parties in coalition must also coordinate their parliamentary caucuses more closely. They should jointly prepare for major legislative debates, hold public briefings together and align on key issues before they reach the floor. If political parties share power, they must also share processes and take shared responsibility for outcomes. Ultimately, all of this must serve one purpose: To meet the needs of the people. When coalitions falter, it is ordinary South Africans who suffer the consequences. Missed service delivery targets, lost jobs and policy uncertainty all fall hardest on those who can least afford it. On the other hand, when coalitions function, when decisions are made transparently and inclusively, everyone stands to benefit.

The likely reversal of the VAT increase shows that the system can correct itself when pushed by public pressure and inter-party dialogue. The Parliamentary Budget Office even warned that the proposal was tone-deaf and would unfairly burden lower-income households. Listening to such warnings and engaging with affected communities is not a political tactic. It is a democratic necessity. The Constitution is clear. Section 195(1)(e) mandates that people’s needs must be responded to. Section 1(d) affirms that the entire state is founded on accountability, responsiveness and openness. In coalition government, these principles are not optional extras. They are fundamental to making governance legitimate and effective. Parties must remember that while they may represent different blocs, they govern on behalf of the same citizens.

South Africa’s shift to tri-bloc politics is not a crisis. It is a transition. It marks the maturing of our democracy and the end of dominant-party rule. However, a maturing democracy needs mature institutions. Coalitions must not depend solely on goodwill or private agreements. They must be underpinned by rules, structures and mechanisms that promote joint accountability and allow differences to be managed constructively. The FW de Klerk Foundation believes that the Constitution provides exactly that framework. It contains the values, the rights and the checks required to make coalition governance work. The task the government now sits with is to apply those principles consistently, to expand the mechanisms that support dialogue and to ensure that political realignment does not lead to national paralysis.

If every bloc can rally behind the Constitution, then the coalition government need not be a gamble. It can be a turning point. We can transform political fragmentation into functional unity. And in doing so, we can deliver better outcomes for all South Africans.