ARTICLE: WHEN FEAR AND EVIL TRUMP PRINCIPLE
2017-08-22
Politics in Zuma’s South Africa is the gift that keeps on giving.
Politics in Zuma’s South Africa is the gift that keeps on giving.
Minister Bathabile Dlamini’s weekend statement – that current demands for the law to take its course against Deputy Minister of Higher Education and Training, Mduduzi Manana, are nothing more than a “political tool” – defies comprehension.
The Centre for Unity in Diversity (CUD) commends the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs in acting to stem the deaths of more young men in South Africa by acknowledging the necessity for an encompassing piece of legislation to cover as many aspects of the practice of customary initiation as is possible.
Julius Malema’s recent attack on Indians must be condemned in the strongest terms.
While the taste of victory in 1994 for South Africans of every hue was sweet, the reality of operationalising the dream was much harder, yet people remained steadfast.
There are basically three post-December 2017 scenarios.
The first is a Dlamini-Zuma victory (“NDZ”), after which the ANC will probably split – and struggle to secure 50% at the polls in 2019. Following which, corruption will persist and economic growth will remain low.
The second is a Ramaphosa victory (“CR17”), after which the ANC could split, but probably not – and where getting 50% at the ballot box could be a little easier. Further, corruption will be tackled and the economy will slowly improve.
The third is the “unity scenario”, whereby there will be either a loser Deputy President and the ANC will paper over the cracks (and struggle at the ballot box), or a compromise candidate may be elected as President, with new possibilities for anti-corruption initiatives, as well as the economy.
In the Nkandla disciplinary hearing of an accounts management employee (on charges of misconduct for approving a construction tender to Moneymine Enterprises), it transpired that President Jacob Zuma, the “owner of the property” had appointed Moneymine and that the company “had already been on site long before the tender was approved”. The company was decided upon by a “negotiation process” and the tender awarding processes were rushed through – after the fact. This was the evidence brought to the hearing by Special Investigations Unit (SIU) chief forensic investigator, Christian Legwabe. By March 17, 2009, it had already been decided (by the then Deputy President) that Moneymine was the preferred construction company (and he brought them on site to begin work), but the tender was only approved on June 15, 2010.
Any owner can appoint a company to do work on his home – if he pays for it himself. If, however, the state pays for it, certain prescribed tender procedures must be followed. In this case, Moneymine was paid R6.1 million for the first phase of the construction project – from state coffers. And this to a contractor the President had chosen himself, infringing (yet another) constitutional demand that procurement should be fair, equitable and transparent (section 217).
The attached verdict has been received recently from the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) after a complaint was lodged by the Chairman of the Foundation, Dave Steward, against Primedia and the programme host, Eusebius McKaiser. Although the Foundation is happy that the broadcaster was found guilty of contravening two clauses of the relevant regulations, and that it was reprimanded by the BCCSA, we are disappointed that no apology was required to be given on air. It was in our view, warranted by the ideological, intolerant and unprofessional behaviour of Mr McKaiser.
The not so sudden announcement by the CEO of SASSA, Thokozani Magwaza, that he was quitting amidst death threats, an irretrievable breakdown of the relationship with his principal, Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini, and general lack of support to effect his duties, leaves the nation reeling, yet again.